jueves, 29 de septiembre de 2011

Resumen de la Biblia

Extraordinario resumen de las Sagradas Escrituras. NO DEJES DE LEERLO COMPLETAMENTE Y DE MEDITAR EN SU CONTENIDO, es una de las mejores interpretaciones que leído acerca de la revelación de las Dos Casas.

Cortesía de Katherine y su esposo Eduardo miembros de http://amishav.ning.com

miércoles, 28 de septiembre de 2011

¡Cómo va a caer el Año Nuevo en el Séptimo mes!

Los Rabinos renombraron la fiesta Rosh Hashana (Año Nuevo) afirmando que el año judío en realidad empieza en Tishrei. ¡Lo absurdo de esta afirmación queda inmediatamente manifiesto ya que la Biblia al referirse a esta fiesta afirma que cae en el Séptimo mes (Tishrei es un nombre posterior a los tiempos Bíblicos y que nunca es usado en la Torah). ¡Cómo va a caer el Año Nuevo en el Séptimo mes!

[Leer artículo]

sábado, 24 de septiembre de 2011

¿Quién es como YHWH, que predice el futuro desde tiempos antiguos?

Salmos 83:1-18 BTX
(1)  ¡Oh ’Elohim, no guardes silencio! ¡Oh ’Elohim, no calles ni te estés quieto!
(2)  Pues he aquí, rugen tus enemigos, Y los que te aborrecen alzan la cabeza.
(3)  Astutamente traman conjura contra tu pueblo, Y conspiran contra tus protegidos.
(4)  Han dicho: Venid y destruyámoslos para que no sean nación, Ni haya más memoria del nombre de Israel.
(5)  Porque de corazón han conspirado a una, Y contra ti conciertan alianza:
(6)  Las tiendas de Edom y los ismaelitas, Moab y los agarenos,
(7)  Gebal, Amón y Amalec, Filistea con los habitantes de Tiro,
(8)  También Asiria se junto con ellos, Sirven de brazo a los hijos de Lot. Selah
(9)  Hazles como a Madián, Como a Sísara, como a Jabín, en el torrente Cisón,
(10)  Que fueron destruidos en Endor, Y vinieron a ser estiércol para la tierra.
(11)  Pon a sus capitanes como a Oreb y a Zeeb, Y a todos sus príncipes como a Zeba y Zalmuna,
(12)  Pues dijeron: Tomemos como po sesión nuestra Los prados de Dios.
(13)  ¡Dios mío, ponlos como torbellino de polvo, como hojarasca delan te del viento!
(14)  Como el fuego consume el bosque, Como la llama abrasa las montañas,
(15)  Así persíguelos así con tu tempes tad, Y atérralos con tu turbión.
(16)  Llena sus rostros de deshonra, Para que busquen tu Nombre, ¡oh YHVH!
(17)  ¡Sean avergonzados y turbados para siempre! ¡Sean humillados y perezcan,
(18)  Y sepan que Tú solo, cuyo nombre es YHVH, Eres ’Elyón sobre toda la tierra!

Zacarías 14:9 BTX
(9)  Y YHVH será Rey sobre toda la tierra. En aquel día YHVH será uno, y uno su Nombre.

viernes, 23 de septiembre de 2011

Discurso histórico ante la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas

Extraordinario discurso de Beniamin Netanyahu ante la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas. Dado hoy  23 de septiembre de 2011.

Uno de los mejores discursos que he escuchado en estos tiempos de tanta mentira y confusión con respecto al conflicto entre Israel y los Palestinos.

Transcripción en inglés cortesía de http://www.israelpolitik.org/2011/09/23/full-transcript-of-pm-netanyahus-address-before-u-n-general-assembly/

Puede entrar la dirección de Internet de arriba en http://translate.google.com/ para traducir discurso al español.

Video cortesía de http://video.nytimes.com

Remarks by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the U.N. General Assembly Location: United Nations Headquarters, New York City, New York Time: 1:29 p.m. EDT Date: Friday, September 23, 2011

MR. : The assembly will now hear a statement by His Excellency Benjamin Netanyahu, prime minister of the state of Israel. (Cheers, applause.) I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Benjamin Netanyahu, prime minister of the state of Israel.


MR. : I invite him to address the General Assembly.

PRIME MIN. NETANYAHU: Thank you, Mr. President.

Ladies and gentlemen, Israel has extended its hand in peace from the moment it was established 63 years ago. On behalf of Israel and the Jewish people, I extend that hand again today. I extend it to the people of Egypt and Jordan, with renewed friendship for neighbors with whom we have made peace. I extend it to the people of Turkey, with respect and good will. I extend it to the people of Libya and Tunisia, with admiration for those trying to build a democratic future. I extend it to the other peoples of North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, with whom we want to forge a new beginning. I extend it to the people of Syria, Lebanon and Iran, with awe at the courage of those fighting brutal repression.

But most especially, I extend my hand to the Palestinian people, with whom we seek a just and lasting peace. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, in Israel our hope for peace never wanes. Our scientists, doctors, innovators, apply their genius to improve the world of tomorrow. Our artists, our writers, enrich the heritage of humanity. Now, I know that this is not exactly the image of Israel that is often portrayed in this hall. After all, it was here in 1975 that the age-old yearning of my people to restore our national life in our ancient biblical homeland — it was then that this was braided — branded, rather — shamefully, as racism. And it was here in 1980, right here, that the historic peace agreement between Israel and Egypt wasn’t praised; it was denounced! And it’s here year after year that Israel is unjustly singled out for condemnation. It’s singled out for condemnation more often than all the nations of the world combined. Twenty-one out of the 27 General Assembly resolutions condemn Israel — the one true democracy in the Middle East.

Well, this is an unfortunate part of the U.N. institution. It’s the — the theater of the absurd. It doesn’t only cast Israel as the villain; it often casts real villains in leading roles: Gadhafi’s Libya chaired the U.N. Commission on Human Rights; Saddam’s Iraq headed the U.N. Committee on Disarmament.

You might say: That’s the past. Well, here’s what’s happening now — right now, today. Hezbollah-controlled Lebanon now presides over the U.N. Security Council. This means, in effect, that a terror organization presides over the body entrusted with guaranteeing the world’s security.

You couldn’t make this thing up.

So here in the U.N., automatic majorities can decide anything. They can decide that the sun sets in the west or rises in the west. I think the first has already been pre-ordained. But they can also decide — they have decided that the Western Wall in Jerusalem, Judaism’s holiest place, is occupied Palestinian territory.

And yet even here in the General Assembly, the truth can sometimes break through. In 1984 when I was appointed Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, I visited the great rabbi of Lubavich. He said to me — and ladies and gentlemen, I don’t want any of you to be offended because from personal experience of serving here, I know there are many honorable men and women, many capable and decent people serving their nations here. But here’s what the rebbe said to me. He said to me, you’ll be serving in a house of many lies. And then he said, remember that even in the darkest place, the light of a single candle can be seen far and wide.

Today I hope that the light of truth will shine, if only for a few minutes, in a hall that for too long has been a place of darkness for my country. So as Israel’s prime minister, I didn’t come here to win applause. I came here to speak the truth. (Cheers, applause.) The truth is — the truth is that Israel wants peace. The truth is that I want peace. The truth is that in the Middle East at all times, but especially during these turbulent days, peace must be anchored in security. The truth is that we cannot achieve peace through U.N. resolutions, but only through direct negotiations between the parties. The truth is that so far the Palestinians have refused to negotiate. The truth is that Israel wants peace with a Palestinian state, but the Palestinians want a state without peace. And the truth is you shouldn’t let that happen.

Ladies and gentlemen, when I first came here 27 years ago, the world was divided between East and West. Since then the Cold War ended, great civilizations have risen from centuries of slumber, hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty, countless more are poised to follow, and the remarkable thing is that so far this monumental historic shift has largely occurred peacefully. Yet a malignancy is now growing between East and West that threatens the peace of all. It seeks not to liberate, but to enslave, not to build, but to destroy.

That malignancy is militant Islam. It cloaks itself in the mantle of a great faith, yet it murders Jews, Christians and Muslims alike with unforgiving impartiality. On September 11th it killed thousands of Americans, and it left the twin towers in smoldering ruins. Last night I laid a wreath on the 9/11 memorial. It was deeply moving. But as I was going there, one thing echoed in my mind: the outrageous words of the president of Iran on this podium yesterday. He implied that 9/11 was an American conspiracy. Some of you left this hall. All of you should have. (Applause.)

Since 9/11, militant Islamists slaughtered countless other innocents — in London and Madrid, in Baghdad and Mumbai, in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, in every part of Israel. I believe that the greatest danger facing our world is that this fanaticism will arm itself with nuclear weapons. And this is precisely what Iran is trying to do.

Can you imagine that man who ranted here yesterday — can you imagine him armed with nuclear weapons? The international community must stop Iran before it’s too late. If Iran is not stopped, we will all face the specter of nuclear terrorism, and the Arab Spring could soon become an Iranian winter. That would be a tragedy. Millions of Arabs have taken to the streets to replace tyranny with liberty, and no one would benefit more than Israel if those committed to freedom and peace would prevail.

This is my fervent hope. But as the prime minister of Israel, I cannot risk the future of the Jewish state on wishful thinking. Leaders must see reality as it is, not as it ought to be. We must do our best to shape the future, but we cannot wish away the dangers of the present.

And the world around Israel is definitely becoming more dangerous. Militant Islam has already taken over Lebanon and Gaza. It’s determined to tear apart the peace treaties between Israel and Egypt and between Israel and Jordan. It’s poisoned many Arab minds against Jews and Israel, against America and the West. It opposes not the policies of Israel but the existence of Israel.

Now, some argue that the spread of militant Islam, especially in these turbulent times — if you want to slow it down, they argue, Israel must hurry to make concessions, to make territorial compromises. And this theory sounds simple. Basically it goes like this: Leave the territory, and peace will be advanced. The moderates will be strengthened, the radicals will be kept at bay. And don’t worry about the pesky details of how Israel will actually defend itself; international troops will do the job.

These people say to me constantly: Just make a sweeping offer, and everything will work out. You know, there’s only one problem with that theory. We’ve tried it and it hasn’t worked. In 2000 Israel made a sweeping peace offer that met virtually all of the Palestinian demands. Arafat rejected it. The Palestinians then launched a terror attack that claimed a thousand Israeli lives.

Prime Minister Olmert afterwards made an even more sweeping offer, in 2008. President Abbas didn’t even respond to it.

But Israel did more than just make sweeping offers. We actually left territory. We withdrew from Lebanon in 2000 and from every square inch of Gaza in 2005. That didn’t calm the Islamic storm, the militant Islamic storm that threatens us. It only brought the storm closer and make it stronger.

Hezbollah and Hamas fired thousands of rockets against our cities from the very territories we vacated. See, when Israel left Lebanon and Gaza, the moderates didn’t defeat the radicals, the moderates were devoured by the radicals. And I regret to say that international troops like UNIFIL in Lebanon and UBAM (ph) in Gaza didn’t stop the radicals from attacking Israel.

We left Gaza hoping for peace.

We didn’t freeze the settlements in Gaza, we uprooted them. We did exactly what the theory says: Get out, go back to the 1967 borders, dismantle the settlements.

And I don’t think people remember how far we went to achieve this. We uprooted thousands of people from their homes. We pulled children out of — out of their schools and their kindergartens. We bulldozed synagogues. We even — we even moved loved ones from their graves. And then, having done all that, we gave the keys of Gaza to President Abbas.

Now the theory says it should all work out, and President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority now could build a peaceful state in Gaza. You can remember that the entire world applauded. They applauded our withdrawal as an act of great statesmanship. It was a bold act of peace.

But ladies and gentlemen, we didn’t get peace. We got war. We got Iran, which through its proxy Hamas promptly kicked out the Palestinian Authority. The Palestinian Authority collapsed in a day — in one day.

President Abbas just said on this podium that the Palestinians are armed only with their hopes and dreams. Yeah, hopes, dreams and 10,000 missiles and Grad rockets supplied by Iran, not to mention the river of lethal weapons now flowing into Gaza from the Sinai, from Libya, and from elsewhere.

Thousands of missiles have already rained down on our cities. So you might understand that, given all this, Israelis rightly ask: What’s to prevent this from happening again in the West Bank? See, most of our major cities in the south of the country are within a few dozen kilometers from Gaza. But in the center of the country, opposite the West Bank, our cities are a few hundred meters or at most a few kilometers away from the edge of the West Bank.

So I want to ask you. Would any of you — would any of you bring danger so close to your cities, to your families? Would you act so recklessly with the lives of your citizens? Israel is prepared to have a Palestinian state in the West Bank, but we’re not prepared to have another Gaza there. And that’s why we need to have real security arrangements, which the Palestinians simply refuse to negotiate with us.

Israelis remember the bitter lessons of Gaza. Many of Israel’s critics ignore them. They irresponsibly advise Israel to go down this same perilous path again. Your read what these people say and it’s as if nothing happened — just repeating the same advice, the same formulas as though none of this happened.

And these critics continue to press Israel to make far-reaching concessions without first assuring Israel’s security. They praise those who unwittingly feed the insatiable crocodile of militant Islam as bold statesmen. They cast as enemies of peace those of us who insist that we must first erect a sturdy barrier to keep the crocodile out, or at the very least jam an iron bar between its gaping jaws.

So in the face of the labels and the libels, Israel must heed better advice. Better a bad press than a good eulogy, and better still would be a fair press whose sense of history extends beyond breakfast, and which recognizes Israel’s legitimate security concerns.

I believe that in serious peace negotiations, these needs and concerns can be properly addressed, but they will not be addressed without negotiations. And the needs are many, because Israel is such a tiny country. Without Judea and Samaria, the West Bank, Israel is all of 9 miles wide.

I want to put it for you in perspective, because you’re all in the city. That’s about two-thirds the length of Manhattan. It’s the distance between Battery Park and Columbia University. And don’t forget that the people who live in Brooklyn and New Jersey are considerably nicer than some of Israel’s neighbors.

So how do you — how do you protect such a tiny country, surrounded by people sworn to its destruction and armed to the teeth by Iran? Obviously you can’t defend it from within that narrow space alone. Israel needs greater strategic depth, and that’s exactly why Security Council Resolution 242 didn’t require Israel to leave all the territories it captured in the Six-Day War. It talked about withdrawal from territories, to secure and defensible boundaries. And to defend itself, Israel must therefore maintain a long-term Israeli military presence in critical strategic areas in the West Bank.

I explained this to President Abbas. He answered that if a Palestinian state was to be a sovereign country, it could never accept such arrangements. Why not? America has had troops in Japan, Germany and South Korea for more than a half a century. Britain has had an airspace in Cyprus or rather an air base in Cyprus. France has forces in three independent African nations. None of these states claim that they’re not sovereign countries.

And there are many other vital security issues that also must be addressed. Take the issue of airspace. Again, Israel’s small dimensions create huge security problems. America can be crossed by jet airplane in six hours. To fly across Israel, it takes three minutes. So is Israel’s tiny airspace to be chopped in half and given to a Palestinian state not at peace with Israel?

Our major international airport is a few kilometers away from the West Bank. Without peace, will our planes become targets for antiaircraft missiles placed in the adjacent Palestinian state? And how will we stop the smuggling into the West Bank? It’s not merely the West Bank, it’s the West Bank mountains. It just dominates the coastal plain where most of Israel’s population sits below. How could we prevent the smuggling into these mountains of those missiles that could be fired on our cities?

I bring up these problems because they’re not theoretical problems. They’re very real. And for Israelis, they’re life-and- death matters. All these potential cracks in Israel’s security have to be sealed in a peace agreement before a Palestinian state is declared, not afterwards, because if you leave it afterwards, they won’t be sealed. And these problems will explode in our face and explode the peace.

The Palestinians should first make peace with Israel and then get their state. But I also want to tell you this. After such a peace agreement is signed, Israel will not be the last country to welcome a Palestinian state as a new member of the United Nations. We will be the first. (Applause.)

And there’s one more thing. Hamas has been violating international law by holding our soldier Gilad Shalit captive for five years.

They haven’t given even one Red Cross visit. He’s held in a dungeon, in darkness, against all international norms. Gilad Shalit is the son of Aviva and Noam Shalit. He is the grandson of Zvi Shalit, who escaped the Holocaust by coming to the — in the 1930s as a boy to the land of Israel. Gilad Shalit is the son of every Israeli family. Every nation represented here should demand his immediate release. (Applause.) If you want to — if you want to pass a resolution about the Middle East today, that’s the resolution you should pass. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, last year in Israel in Bar-Ilan University, this year in the Knesset and in the U.S. Congress, I laid out my vision for peace in which a demilitarized Palestinian state recognizes the Jewish state. Yes, the Jewish state. After all, this is the body that recognized the Jewish state 64 years ago. Now, don’t you think it’s about time that Palestinians did the same?

The Jewish state of Israel will always protect the rights of all its minorities, including the more than 1 million Arab citizens of Israel. I wish I could say the same thing about a future Palestinian state, for as Palestinian officials made clear the other day — in fact, I think they made it right here in New York — they said the Palestinian state won’t allow any Jews in it. They’ll be Jew-free — Judenrein. That’s ethnic cleansing. There are laws today in Ramallah that make the selling of land to Jews punishable by death. That’s racism. And you know which laws this evokes.

Israel has no intention whatsoever to change the democratic character of our state. We just don’t want the Palestinians to try to change the Jewish character of our state. (Applause.) We want to give up — we want them to give up the fantasy of flooding Israel with millions of Palestinians.

President Abbas just stood here, and he said that the core of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the settlements. Well, that’s odd. Our conflict has been raging for — was raging for nearly half a century before there was a single Israeli settlement in the West Bank. So if what President Abbas is saying was true, then the — I guess that the settlements he’s talking about are Tel Aviv, Haifa, Jaffa, Be’er Sheva. Maybe that’s what he meant the other day when he said that Israel has been occupying Palestinian land for 63 years. He didn’t say from 1967; he said from 1948. I hope somebody will bother to ask him this question because it illustrates a simple truth: The core of the conflict is not the settlements. The settlements are a result of the conflict. (Applause.)

The settlements have to be — it’s an issue that has to be addressed and resolved in the course of negotiations. But the core of the conflict has always been and unfortunately remains the refusal of the Palestinians to recognize a Jewish state in any border.

I think it’s time that the Palestinian leadership recognizes what every serious international leader has recognized, from Lord Balfour and Lloyd George in 1917, to President Truman in 1948, to President Obama just two days ago right here: Israel is the Jewish state. (Applause.)

President Abbas, stop walking around this issue. Recognize the Jewish state, and make peace with us. In such a genuine peace, Israel is prepared to make painful compromises. We believe that the Palestinians should be neither the citizens of Israel nor its subjects. They should live in a free state of their own. But they should be ready, like us, for compromise. And we will know that they’re ready for compromise and for peace when they start taking Israel’s security requirements seriously and when they stop denying our historical connection to our ancient homeland.

I often hear them accuse Israel of Judaizing Jerusalem. That’s like accusing America of Americanizing Washington, or the British of Anglicizing London. You know why we’re called “Jews”? Because we come from Judea.

In my office in Jerusalem, there’s a — there’s an ancient seal. It’s a signet ring of a Jewish official from the time of the Bible. The seal was found right next to the Western Wall, and it dates back 2,700 years, to the time of King Hezekiah. Now, there’s a name of the Jewish official inscribed on the ring in Hebrew. His name was Netanyahu. That’s my last name. My first name, Benjamin, dates back a thousand years earlier to Benjamin — Binyamin — the son of Jacob, who was also known as Israel. Jacob and his 12 sons roamed these same hills of Judea and Sumeria 4,000 years ago, and there’s been a continuous Jewish presence in the land ever since.

And for those Jews who were exiled from our land, they never stopped dreaming of coming back: Jews in Spain, on the eve of their expulsion; Jews in the Ukraine, fleeing the pogroms; Jews fighting the Warsaw Ghetto, as the Nazis were circling around it. They never stopped praying, they never stopped yearning. They whispered: Next year in Jerusalem. Next year in the promised land. (Applause.)

As the prime minister of Israel, I speak for a hundred generations of Jews who were dispersed throughout the lands, who suffered every evil under the Sun, but who never gave up hope of restoring their national life in the one and only Jewish state.

Ladies and gentlemen, I continue to hope that President Abbas will be my partner in peace. I’ve worked hard to advance that peace. The day I came into office, I called for direct negotiations without preconditions. President Abbas didn’t respond. I outlined a vision of peace of two states for two peoples. He still didn’t respond. I removed hundreds of roadblocks and checkpoints, to ease freedom of movement in the Palestinian areas; this facilitated a fantastic growth in the Palestinian economy. But again — no response. I took the unprecedented step of freezing new buildings in the settlements for 10 months. No prime minister did that before, ever. (Scattered applause.) Once again — you applaud, but there was no response. No response.

In the last few weeks, American officials have put forward ideas to restart peace talks. There were things in those ideas about borders that I didn’t like. There were things there about the Jewish state that I’m sure the Palestinians didn’t like.

But with all my reservations, I was willing to move forward on these American ideas.

President Abbas, why don’t you join me? We have to stop negotiating about the negotiations. Let’s just get on with it. Let’s negotiate peace. (Applause.)

I spent years defending Israel on the battlefield. I spent decades defending Israel in the court of public opinion. President Abbas, you’ve dedicated your life to advancing the Palestinian cause. Must this conflict continue for generations, or will we enable our children and our grandchildren to speak in years ahead of how we found a way to end it? That’s what we should aim for, and that’s what I believe we can achieve.

In two and a half years, we met in Jerusalem only once, even though my door has always been open to you. If you wish, I’ll come to Ramallah. Actually, I have a better suggestion. We’ve both just flown thousands of miles to New York. Now we’re in the same city. We’re in the same building. So let’s meet here today in the United Nations. (Applause.) Who’s there to stop us? What is there to stop us? If we genuinely want peace, what is there to stop us from meeting today and beginning peace negotiations?

And I suggest we talk openly and honestly. Let’s listen to one another. Let’s do as we say in the Middle East: Let’s talk “doogli” (ph). That means straightforward. I’ll tell you my needs and concerns. You’ll tell me yours. And with God’s help, we’ll find the common ground of peace. (Applause.)

There’s an old Arab saying that you cannot applaud with one hand. Well, the same is true of peace. I cannot make peace alone. I cannot make peace without you. President Abbas, I extend my hand — the hand of Israel — in peace. I hope that you will grasp that hand. We are both the sons of Abraham. My people call him Avraham. Your people call him Ibrahim. We share the same patriarch. We dwell in the same land. Our destinies are intertwined. Let us realize the vision of Isaiah — (speaks in Hebrew) — “The people who walk in darkness will see a great light.” Let that light be the light of peace. (Applause.)


viernes, 9 de septiembre de 2011

¿Cuándo empezó el cristianismo?

¿Cuándo empezó el cristianismo?

Klaus Wengst

Al plantear la pregunta: “¿Cuándo empezó el cristianismo?”, es sorprendente la naturalidad con que suelen usarse, hablando del Nuevo Testamento y su tiempo, las expresiones “cristianos”, “primeros cristianos” o “cristianismo temprano o primitivo”. A veces se oye decir que “los primeros cristianos eran judíos”. Pero esta es una frase muy complicada. Efectivamente, todos ellos eran judíos. Pero ¿eran también cristianos?

lunes, 5 de septiembre de 2011

Identidad Mesiánica

El nacimiento de Iehoshúa fue en esta manera: Sucedió que cuando su madre estaba
desposada a Ioséf, antes que la conociera, ella fue hallada fecundada de la Ruaj
haQódesh. Ioséf su esposo era un Tzadíq y no quería morar con ella, ni exponerla
llevándola a vergüenza, ni atarla a la muerte, sin embargo fue su voluntad cubrirla.
Pensando él en este asunto en su corazón, he aquí un mal’áj apareció ante él en un sueño
y dice: Ioséf Ben David no temas tomar a tu mujer Miriam porque de la Ruaj
haQódesh ella está fecundada. Ella dará a luz un hijo y tú llamarás su nombre
Iehoshúa, porque él liberará a Mi pueblo de sus iniquidades . Todo esto fue para
concluir lo que fue escrito por el profeta según HaShem: He aquí la almáh ha
concebido y dará a luz un hijo y ella llamará su nombre Imanuel, que quiere decir
Imanu Elohim. Despertó Ioséf de su sueño e hizo todo lo que el mal’áj de HaShem le
ordenó, y tomó a su esposa . Pero no la conoció hasta que ella dio a luz a su hijo
primogénito y él llamó su nombre Iehoshúa.

Mateo hebreo de Shem Tov
Traducción y Comentarios de Avdiel Ben Oved.


Desposada (Arusáh). Había realizado la primera de las dos ceremonias [Erusin (Qidushin) y Nisuin (Jupá)] que forman la boda hebrea.

Conociera, es decir, convivieran como marido y mujer.

Fecundada (Meuberet תרבועמ). Es la mujer en la cual se ha unido los elementos femeninos y masculinos, el óvulo y el espermatozoide para originar un nuevo ser.

De la ruaj haqódesh (meruaj haqódesh שדקה חורמ), frase femenina. La profecía (Ieshayáhu 7.14 comentada más adelante) requirió que el ser humano que fuese Ungido (Mashíaj) debía de nacer de una virgen, por esto, es solo a través de la Ruaj que se llevó a cabo la fecundación (esto es la unión del óvulo de Miriam y espermatozoide de Ioséf) sin una relación sexual. Es por esto que en el escrito atribuido a Naftalí haMevaser (‘Felipe el Evangelista’) dice en el Dicho 15 “Algunos dicen que Miriam fue embarazada por la ruaj haqódesh. Se engañan, no saben lo que dicen. ¿Cuándo jamás fue hembra embarazada por hembra?”.

Ioséf Ben David no temas, en otras palabras, ‘Tu eres el padre’. La razón por la que Ioséf tomó a Miriam como su esposa fue cuando el Mal’áj le dijo: “Hijo/Descendiente de David no temas tomar a tu esposa Miriam porque de la ruaj haqódesh ella está fecundada”. ¿Qué significan estas palabras? Que la Señal mesiánica para la Casa de David en Ieshayáhu 7.13-14 se había cumplido. El Mashíaj debía ser hijo de una Virgen (Ieshayáhu 7:14), descendiente de David (Ieshayáhu 11:1; Hoshea 3:5) por la línea de Shlomóh (Hoshea 3.5; Irmyáhu 23.5; 30.9), todas las profecías apuntaban que él era el padre de quien sería Mashíaj. Similarmente en Maasé Iehoshúa (1:27; 2:4; 2:11) se resalta la expresión: “Ioséf miBet David” [Ioséf de la Casa de David].

Dará a luz un hijo (vataled ben ןב דלתו). Solamente después que Matityáh presentó las Toldot תודלות (Generaciones-Orígenes) de Iehoshúa por parte paterna, es cuando pudo decir que Miriam “dará a luz un hijo”, ya que la frase “dar a luz” דלתו (v’teled) viene de la misma raíz de “generaciones” תודלות (toldot), en otras palabras, Iehoshúa desciende de Ioséf, el esposo de Miriam.

Esto es una combinación de palabras: “Iehoshúa” (עשוהי) y “ioshia” (עישוי liberará).

De sus iniquidades (meavonotam םתנועמ). Profetizó Ieshayáhu (53.6-7,11) “...HaShem hizo que cayera sobre él la iniquidad (avon) de todos nosotros... como cordero que es llevado al matadero... por su daat, el Tzadiq Mi Siervo, justificará (iatzdiq) a Los Muchos, y cargará sus iniquidades (avonotam)”.

Para concluir (ligmor רומגל).

Almáh (המלע), esto es ‘una Joven que es Virgen’. La palabra para ‘Joven’ o ‘Muchacha’ en hebreo es Naaráh, mientras que las siete veces que la palabra Almáh aparece en las Escrituras hace referencia a una Joven con cualidad de ser ‘Virgen’ (B’tuláh), sin embargo la palabra B’tuláh solo expresa virginidad corporal, pero no juventud. En Shmot 2.8 Miriam, la hermana de Mosheh, en su niñez es llamada Almáh, en Breshit 24.43 Rivqáh, la futura esposa de Itzjaq, es llamada Almáh y en 24.16 es llamada B’tuláh (Virgen). En la traducción de las Escrituras al idioma griego, llamada LXX (70), hecha dos siglos antes de que naciera Iehoshúa, la palabra Almáh fue traducida como ‘Partenos’ (Virgen), también la traducción de de las Escrituras al idioma arameo, llamada Peshit’ta, se tradujo la palabra Almáh como B’tultá (Virgen). Iehoshúa se auto tituló “el ser humano hijo de la b’tuláh” (ben adam ben hab’tulah הלותבה ןב םדא ןב) en el. En fin, si la Almáh de Ieshayáhu (Isaías) 7.14 no fuese una Virgen, ¿qué clase de señal es que una joven conciba y de a luz como todas las demás jóvenes?

El texto de Ieshayáhu 7.14 dice que la señal sería: “תדליו הרה”, esta frase fue traducida tradicionalmente en tiempo presente: “ha concebido y da a luz”; sin embargo Matityáh se refiere al texto en el tiempo futuro: דֵלֵתְו הָרָה (ha concebido y dará a luz). Para comprender la enseñanza de Matityáh al enfatizar  en el futuro, hay que tener presente lo siguiente: El lenguaje hebreo es consonántico (no tiene vocales), por lo  tanto muchas palabras pueden leerse de diferente manera con un pequeño cambio de vocalización, esto complica la comprensión de los textos en las Escrituras. Para remediar esta situación, un grupo de sabios en Tiberiades entre los siglos VI a IX de la Era Común, conocidos como los Masoretas inventaron un sistema de  acentos y de vocalización tradicional. De manera que la comprensión que los Masoretas le dieron a las palabras de Ieshayáhu 7.14 no es necesariamente la comprensión que todos los hebreos pudieran compartir, veamos: Los Masoretas entendieron la frase “תדליו הרה” en presente: תֶדֶל ` יְו הָרָה (harah v’ioledet - ha concebido y da a luz), sin embargo esta misma frase puede entenderse en futuro: ְתְּדַל ` יְו הָרָה (harah v’ioladet – ha concebido y dará a luz), como en Breshit 16.11 y Shoftim 13.3,5,7; esta fue la comprensión que Matityáh expresó del texto de Ieshayáhu, por esta razón él no escribió el texto de Ieshayáhu exactamente igual, sino que al expresar דֵלֵתְו הָרָה (harah v’teled – ha concebido y dará a luz), enfatizó aún más en que la señal para la Casa de David debe entenderse como ְתְּדַל ` יְו (y dará a luz) y no תֶדֶל ` יְו (y da a luz). ¿Cuál es la razón del énfasis en resaltar el futuro? La Señal para la Casa de David se conocería después que ‘la virgen concibiera’, y esto es exactamente lo que sucedió cuando Ioséf, de la Casa de David, recibió la noticia: ‘Miriam ya había concebido y más tarde daría a luz’. Ieshayáhu 7.14. Esta profecía sin duda alguna es mesiánica, sin embargo algunos objetan diciendo: ‘Isaías 7.10-17 muestra al profeta dando como señal al rey Ajaz, una joven dará a luz y antes de que el muchacho sepa rechazar lo ra (lo que está en contra del propósito del Eterno) y escoger lo tov (el propósito del Eterno) Siria atacaría a Judá, y esta profecía sucedió VIII siglos antes de la Era Común. Esta objeción carece de base por desconocer el idioma hebreo y el contexto. Para comprender adecuadamente la profecía  hay que leer el contexto de las palabras del profeta que incluye entre tantas cosas el Cáp.7 completo. La señal del verso 14 no fue para el rey Ajaz, quien es referido como “tu” (en singular) en los versos 11,16 y 17, sino que la señal fue para la Casa de David mencionada en el verso 13 y referida en plural en los versos 13 y 14. La señal para Ajaz fue que antes que el naar (muchacho) sepa rechazar lo ra y escoger lo tov, los eventos  de los versos 16 y 17 ocurrirían, ese naar (muchacho) es el hijo de Isaías, llamado Sh'ar Iashuv, quien fue junto con Isaías para ver al rey Ajaz (v.3), este naar no debe confundirse con el ben (hijo) del verso 14. Observe esta traducción fiel al texto hebreo:

7.3 Dijo el Eterno a Ieshayáhu: Sal ahora al encuentro de Ajaz, tú y tu hijo Sh’ar Iashuv...
7.10 El Eterno habló de nuevo a Ajaz diciendo:
7.11 Pide para ti una señal del Eterno tu Elohim, pídela en lo profundo o en lo alto.
7.12 Pero respondió Ajaz: No pediré ni probaré al Eterno.
7.13 Entonces dijo [el profeta]: Escuchen ahora, Casa de David. ¿Es ya pequeña cosa para ustedes cansar a los hombres, que quieren también cansar a mi Elohim?
7.14 Por tanto, Adonai mismo les dará a ustedes una señal: He aquí la joven virgen ha concebido y dará a luz un hijo y ella llamará su nombre Imanuel.
7.15 (sobre Sh’ar Iashuv:) Cuajada y miel comerá, hasta que sepa lo suficiente para desechar lo ra (en contra del propósito del Eterno) y escoger lo tov (el propósito del Eterno).
7.16 Porque antes que el muchacho sepa desechar lo ra y escoger lo tov, será abandonada la tierra cuyos dos reyes tú temes.
7.17 El Eterno hará venir sobre ti, sobre tu pueblo, y sobre la casa de tu padre...

En Ieshayáhu 8.8 al 9.7 se vuelve a mencionar a Imanuel como un descendiente de David que sin duda alguna es el Mashíaj: “llenará la anchura de tu tierra Imanuel (8.8)... tierra de Zvulun y tierra de Naftalí,pero el último ha asestado un golpe más doloroso por el camino hacia el mar, del otro lado del Jordan, en Galil de las naciones(8.23)... un niño nos ha nacido, un hijo nos ha sido dado, y la soberanía reposará sobre sus hombros; y se le llamará su nombre Maravilloso consejero es el Eterno Todopedoroso, Padre eterno, Príncipe de paz... la paz no tendrá fin sobre el trono de David” (9.5-6). El Talmud Bavli en Sanhedrín 38a, aplica Ieshayáhu 8.14 al Mashíaj, de igual manera lo hace el Targum Ionatan con 9.5-6; el contexto mesiánico de las palabras de Ieshayáhu continúan inclusive en el Cáp.11 del cual nadie puede dudar que se refiera al Mashíaj: “Y saldrá un retoño de Ishai... y reposará sobre él el espíritu del Eterno...”. No solamente Matityáh cita estos pasajes en un contexto mesiánico, sino que también lo hacen otros (1ra Igueret de Kefa 2; 3.14-15; Igueret Shaul el Q’hilot bRoma 9.32; Igueret el haIvriím 2.13; Maasé Iehoshúa 1.79), en fin, Ieshayáhu está dando una señal para que el rey Ajaz y también una señal mesiánica a los descendientes de la Casa de David. Nota: Basados en el comentario acerca de la palabra ‘Almáh’ (Virgen), la única Virgen que en Israel dio a luz al descendiente de David fue Miriam, cumpliendo así la señal para la Casa de David.

Imanu Elohim, esto es ‘Elohim está con nosotros’. ImanuEl = Imanu (con nosotros) El (el Eterno). Este es uno de los diferentes nombres o títulos con que las Escrituras se refieren al Mashíaj, en otros casos lo llama Shiloh (Breshit 49.10), Pele ioetz El Guibor (Maravilloso consejero es el Eterno Todopedoroso), Avi Ad (Padre eterno), Sar shalom (Príncipe de paz Ieshayáhu 9.5), Netzer (Renuevo de árbol de olivo Ieshayáhu 11.1) y Tzemaj Tzdaqáh (Retoño de Justicia Irmyáhu 23.5; 33.15).

Y tomó a su esposa, esto quiere decir que realizó el paso final (Nisuin) de la boda.

Más información: http://www.natzratim.com/toldot_iehoshua/index.html